mechanism, the Commission members argue, would also be an ideal body for adjudicating noncriminal actions taken against employers under an employer sanctions system. In that year, however, Tony Blairs just-elected first Labour government launched a demographicand, concomitantly, a culturalrevolution, a revolution that historians and commentators of all political stripes now recognize as by far Blairs most historically significant legacy. No discussion of mass immigration to Britain can avoid the terms non-white and visible minority, the meanings of which are interchangeable. Still, the prevalence of corporate funding can subtly influence which questions economists ask, and which ones they dont. But academics sometimes de-emphasize this wage reduction because, like liberal journalists and politicians, they face pressures to support immigration. At the very best, it is safe to say that the confines of acceptable public debate on culturally determined ethnic differences, national identity, and mass immigration are exceedingly narrow. For liberals, the easy part of fulfilling that pledge is supporting a path to citizenship for the undocumented who have put down roots in the United States. By some estimates, immigrants, who are poorer on average than native-born Americans and have larger families, receive more in government services than they pay in taxes.
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Britain is the common name for the sovereign state of the United Kingdom, the political entity comprising England, Wales, Scotland (which make up the island of Great Britain) and Northern Ireland. Americans know that liberals celebrate diversity. And as the Muslim population becomes more established in Britain, these attitudes, the evidence strongly suggests, are becoming more intemperate, not less: the few surveys that have measured the attitudes specifically of young British Muslims consistently show that their views are more extreme than those. The elimination of potential disparate rulings by courts of appeals should discourage further litigation. But it does notit cannot, given any realistic confinesoffer a history and systematic analysis of such a complex and convoluted subject as Britains experience of mass immigration. No, this isnt tantamount to arguing that all Kashmiri Pakistanis or Bangladeshis are jihadists or sexual groomers. I do not apologize for expecting you to perform, at a high level, efficiently and effectively. As we work to restore rule of law in our immigration system, we will send a clear message to the world that the lawless practices of the past are over. New Labour greatly relaxed or entirely eliminated previous restrictions on immigration, with the aim to convert Britain quickly to a polity as fully exposed as possible to the apparent social, cultural, and economic advantages of globalization.
In itself, this relatively immutable genetic makeup and population distribution isnt particularly important, but it is tremendously meaningful for the stability and longevity of the political and territorial arrangements that it signifiesarrangements that by turn bestowed early on a strong sense of a shared history. Even the widely used, somewhat euphemistic term Asian sweeps in, for instance, Sikh Indians who have largely integrated into British life with Bangladeshis and Kashmiri Pakistanis, groups that, as we shall see, havent. These designations can be useful in drawing cultural distinctions, especially since they were and are often applied to differentiate between, say, on the one hand, immigrants from Canada, Australia, and Ireland (all of Ireland, of course, was part of the UK until 1922)places with strong. By 1997, Britains ethnic minority population had grown, thanks to immigration and the children born to immigrants, to about four million.